Sofia University "St. Kliment Ohridski"

The COVID-19 pandemic started in Chile as the country was experiencing massive protests and a deep political crisis. Sanitary measures restricting movement and gatherings were implemented while the process of constitutional change responding to this crisis developed. In this context of conflict, we study why people continued participating in street protests despite the restrictions and the health risks involved. Using two surveys, we test key factors addressed in extant scholarship: biographical availability, perceived risks, and grievances. We find that grievances related to the pandemic were the most important factor, while biographical availability was much less relevant in the pandemic context. There is no evidence that perceived health risks mattered when deciding whether to join a street protest or not. These results suggest that under conditions of political crisis, grievances related to the administration of the pandemic can motivate political participation even when the latter put people's health at risk.

There is a vast research tradition examining the antecedents that lead people to be politically persuaded. However, political opinion and attitude change in social media has received comparatively scarce attention. This study seeks to shed light on this strand of the literature by theoretically advancing and empirically testing a structural equation model linking online social media, and fake news exposure, with political discussion and political persuasion in social media. Drawing on autoregressive causal tests from two waves of US survey panel data collected in 2019 and 2020, our results indicate that online, social media fake news, and political discussion are all positive predictors of individual political attitude change. Furthermore, structural equation tests reveal that online and social media news lead individuals to be exposed to fake news, which, in turn, predict higher levels of political discussion, ultimately facilitating political persuasion in the social media realm. Limitations and further suggestions for future research are also included in the study.

Today’s public sphere is largely shaped by a dynamic digital public space where lay people conform a commodified marketplace of ideas. Individuals trade, create, and generate information, as well as consume others’ content, whereby information as public space commodity splits between this type of content and that provided by the media, and governmental institutions. This paper first explains how and why our current digital media context opens the door to pseudo-information (i.e., misinformation, disinformation, etc.). Furthermore, the paper introduces several concrete empirical efforts in the literature within a unique volume that attempt to provide specific and pragmatic steps to tackle pseudo-information, reducing the potential harm for established democracies that today’s digital environment may elicit by fueling an ill-informed society.

In this article, we test if conservatism predicts psychological well-being longitudinally. We based the study on previous findings showing that conservatives score higher on different measures of well-being, such as life satisfaction and happiness. Most explanations in the literature have assumed that conservatism antecedes well-being without considering the alternative—that well-being may predict conservatism. In Study 1, using multilevel cross-lagged panel models with a two-wave longitudinal sample consisting of data from 19 countries ( N = 8,740), we found that conservatism did not predict well-being over time. We found similar results in Study 2 ( N = 2,554), using random-intercept cross-lagged panel models with a four-wave longitudinal sample from Chile. We discuss the main implications of these results for the literature examining the association between conservatism and well-being.

Faced with the COVID-19 pandemic, authorities have had to announce health, economic, financial, and social measures. The way in which these actors communicate is crucial and points to the collective meanings that are transmitted when dealing with the pandemic. The discourses used are designed with different frameworks and narratives to have broad appeal, so as to convince the public about the government’s performance in managing the crisis and to obtain respect and obedience. Based on a qualitative analysis of 238 official speeches from five continents delivered between March and May 2020, this article contributes to the analysis of the pandemic with regard to two axes that underlie the speeches in other crises of this magnitude: appeals for solidarity and references to a war context. The results show that in this pandemic, the discourses have been deployed through these axes, reinforcing collective memories and national identities as sources to activate patriotic feelings and sustain implemented measures.

A recent opinion article suggested that the target article, “The holobiont mind: A bridge between 4E cognition and the microbiome”, wished to generate a “new theory of mind”. Furthermore, it contained ideas that were “unnecessary”, “not justified”, and “not innovative at all”. Furthermore the commentators consider that “the ideas of radical enactivism can properly accommodate this research”. Here, we address and clarify apprehensions, misreadings, and misunderstandings raised by the commentators.

This study drew on Chilean teacher survey responses from TALIS 2018 data on teacher motivation in order to examine the extent to which these data reveal different motivational profiles among Chilean teachers. Also, it explores the influence of those profiles on quality teachers’ instruction. As a conceptual scaffold, this article uses Agency Theory and Public Service Motivation theory to conceptualize and explore the data. Using latent classes analysis, multivariate regressions with survey methods, results showed three different motivational profiles: utility-laden, modal, and socially-laden. From these profiles, modal teachers seem to produce better teaching quality compared with the others profiles. These results suggest that the teachers’ profiles are more diverse when it comes to work motivation and teaching quality than what it is described in the literature. These findings give interesting insights for policymakers and school leaders to better understand the teaching workforce and think in diverse governance and teacher management tools. It also opens a set of interesting questions about how to motivate the teacher workforce in Chile.

Cognitive dynamics are multimodal, and they need to integrate real-time feedback to be adaptive and appropriate. However, cognition research still relies on mostly unimodal paradigms using simple motor tasks in laboratory-based static situations. This paper addresses this limitation by presenting the Mobile Brain/Body Imaging approach based on the Embodied, Embedded, Extended, and Enactive perspective, which complements traditional laboratory work while also facilitating ecologically valid applications. First, we briefly review Mobile Brain/Body Imaging technologies used to obtain functional and structural images of the Brain/Body System during natural cognition. Specifically: mobile cognitive electrophysiology, mobile functional neurovascular dynamics, and mobile behavioral measurements. Second, we review the development of Mobile Brain/Body Imaging/4E in Chile. Finally, we discuss challenges and opportunities. We conclude that although this new epistemic/methodological approach is promising, there is a need for greater portability, robust equipment, and data-analysis tools that can integrate signals from the brain/body-in-the-world system. Future experimental designs need to re-consider their underlying logic and increase their ecological validity by-perhaps-modifying the physical spaces in which experiments are conducted.

Contrary to popular narratives, it is not clear whether using social media for news increases belief in political misinformation. Several of the most methodologically sound studies find small to nonexistent effects. However, extant research is limited by focusing on few platforms (usually Facebook, Twitter or YouTube) and is heavily U.S. centered. This leaves open the possibility that other platforms, such as those that rely on visual communication (e.g., Instagram) or are tailored to strong-tie network communication (e.g., WhatsApp), are more influential. Furthermore, the few studies conducted in other countries suggest that social media use increases political misperceptions. Still, these works use cross-sectional designs, which are ill suited to dealing with omitted variable bias and temporal ordering of processes. Using a two-wave survey fielded in Mexico during the 2021 midterm elections (N = 596), we estimate the relationship between frequency of news exposure on Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Instagram and WhatsApp, and belief in political misinformation, while controlling for both time-invariant and time-dependent individual differences. In contrast to political discussion, information literacy and digital skills, none of the social platforms analyzed exhibits a significant association with misinformed beliefs. We also tested for possible indirect, moderated, and reciprocal relationships, but none of these analyses yielded a statistically significant result. We conclude that the study is consistent with the “minimal media effects” paradigm, which suggests that efforts to address misinformation need to go beyond social platforms.

Public policies across the world are tackling Internet access inequality through mobile connections, which has led to an increase in mobile-only use. However, digital skills remain as a stumbling block to achieve digital inclusion. Using a two-wave panel survey on a representative sample conducted in Chile between 2018 and 2020, this study investigates how different mode of access (i.e. mobile-only vs mobile and computer) affects digital abilities over time. Results show significant differences in skills by mode of access. People who became hybrid users (mobile and computer) by wave 2 significantly gained skills while those who were hybrid and became mobile-only by wave 2 significantly lost abilities. People who did not change their type of access did not change their level of digital skills, despite the past of time and gained experience using the Internet. These conclusions show how mode of access may have a key effect on people’s digital inclusion.

The demand for an ideologically based party system is not always met with a supply. As a country where a large majority of adults identify on the ideological scale but whose weak political parties primarily function as short-lived personalist platforms, Guatemala represents an extreme case of a demand supply mismatch. Using six AmericasBarometer surveys from 2008 to 2018, we analyze the supply-side (partisanship) and demand-side (ideological identification) effect on voter turnout to identify whether the manifestation of this market failure applies evenly to voters across the ideological scale. We report a nuanced outcome: partisanship and identification on the right of the ideological scale increase turnout, but identification on the center or the left display no significant effect. The absence of parties that effectively represents left-wing or centrist voters—or that at least induce them to turn out to vote—points to a supply-side problem in Guatemala's political representation market.

We describe source and path attributes of the Next Generation of Ground-Motion Attenuation for Subduction zones (NGA-Sub) project relational database. The database contains 991 earthquakes between 1937 and 2016 that meet quality assurance standards and have assigned event types (mostly interface or intraslab). Data curation emphasized large magnitudes: 73% of events have M > 5 and 13 events have M > 8. Event attributes in the database can be broadly divided into those related to the moment tensor, those related to rupture surface geometry (referred to as finite-fault parameters), and categorizations by type (e.g. interface, intraslab) and sequence classification (mainshock, aftershock). Earthquake information and moment tensor parameters compiled from earthquake catalogs include event date and origin time, hypocenter location, seismic moment, and the strike, dip, and rake angles of nodal planes. Finite-fault parameters include along-strike length, down-dip width, and depth to top-of-rupture for one or more rectangles used to parameterize rupture surface geometry. These are modified from models in literature where available, and otherwise are simulated using procedures customized for subduction earthquakes. Rupture distance and other metrics are computed using finite-fault representations of sources, and (as applicable) are partitioned into forearc and backarc components. Forearc and backarc regions are defined based on volcano locations, and are assigned to events and sites.