Lenshie, Nsemba Edward

Idris A., Lenshie N.E., Umaru M., Onuh P.A., Ganiyu A.D.

Idris A., Lenshie N.E., Onuh P.A., Miapyen B.S.

Even though the Nigeria–Niger border is a significant gateway for human trafficking to Europe, it has received limited scholarly attention. The study used ethnographic and documentary methods to argue for adopting community-based border policing (CBBP) on the Nigeria–Niger border to complement border surveillance strategy (BSS). Despite the reliance on surveillance strategies, crimes like human trafficking have persisted on the Nigeria–Niger border. This state of affairs has necessitated the need to explore more comprehensive ways to police the border, for which CBBP is relevant to help in mitigating human trafficking on the Nigeria–Niger border.

Lenshie N.E., Miapyen B.S., Otu O.A., Idris A., Ugwueze M.I.

The COVID-19 pandemic has been the subject of numerous scholarly discussions. However, scholars have yet to pay more attention to the link between its official containment measures and the struggle of informal workers for sustainable livelihoods in Nigeria. This study argues that the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown policing was one aspect of the state-society encounter that had a deleterious effect on the economic security of vulnerable populations. The research employs the thesis of neoliberalism and a qualitative-dominant mixed methods approach to explore this state-society encounter during the pandemic. It concludes that a subtle and humane approach to policing in emergencies presents a more civil engagement in policy enforcement that would foster happier encounters between security forces and the general public.

Lenshie N.E., Miapyen B.S., Ogbonna C.N., Okengwu K., Idris A., Ganiyu A.D.

While there are significant volumes of studies on Nigeria’s counterterrorism, little or no intellectual attention has focused on the nexus between rhetoric and the performance of the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari on counterterrorism. This paper explores the politicisation of insecurity and the government’s counterterrorism efforts. It draws on the performativity thesis and documented field data to make assessments of the administration’s counterterrorism measures. It found that the government could not bridge rhetoric with performance in its efforts at counterterrorism and concluded that its failure to mitigate terrorism hinges on the politicisation of insecurity in Nigeria.

Lenshie N.E., Jacob P.K., Ogbonna C.N., Shehu Miapyen B., Onuh P., Idris A., Ezeibe C.

Idris A., Lenshie N.E., Miapyen B.S.

Lenshie N.E., Miapyen B.S., Ganiyu A.D., Maiangwa J.S., Ezeibe C.

Cirakoglu K., Miapyen B.S., Cirakoglu G., Aigbiremhon J.A., Asanga Fon N.N., Lenshie N.E., Adi E.

Okoli A.C., Lenshie N.E., Suleiman M.A.

Ogbonna C.N., Lenshie N.E., Nwangwu C.

Nigerian politicians accuse foreigners of contributing to the many security challenges in the country. As a result, the government of Nigeria securitised foreigners’ immigration to justify its policy of land border closure in 2019, which it claimed was aimed at mitigating the security problems bedevilling Nigeria. This study analyses how Nigeria’s national security is impacted by the securitisation of border governance and migration. Relying on the securitisation theory and qualitative methods based on focus group discussions, key informant interviews, and desk reviews of existing literature, it found that the securitisation of migration to establish strict border governance represents the interests of the political elite who have failed to address security challenges in Nigeria. The study concludes that government should de-securitise foreigners’ immigration by addressing underlying domestic and external factors driving insecurity in Nigeria.

Lenshie N.E., Nwangwu C., Ezeibe C., Ifem L.M., Okafor G.O.

While previous studies have interrogated the motivations of Boko Haram and the role of security agencies in counterinsurgency, explanations of the escalation of Boko Haram attacks on Nigerian security agencies have received limited academic attention. This study re-examines the dynamics of counterinsurgency operations in Nigeria within the context of the fragile state thesis. It argues that fragility of relevant state institutions has compromised the military-led counterinsurgency operations by flipping out strategic intelligence to the terrorists, embezzlement of arms procurement funds, sabotage and deplorable welfare condition of combatants, among others. Thus, the relevant state institutions should be strengthened to proactively respond to the maladies bedeviling the military-led counterinsurgency operations in the North-East region.

Lenshie N.E., Miapyen B.S., Ugwueze M.I., Ezeibe C.

There is still little discussion on how community-based organizations (CBOs) may help counter violent extremism (CVE) in Nigeria. This research explores the implications of CBOs’ use of external networks for CVE and the distribution of humanitarian aid in North-East Nigeria. It finds that because CBOs depend so heavily on outside funding, they are constantly exposed to the demands and whims of donors. We therefore urge the government to prioritize CBOs in CVE programmes and operations to reduce external influence and to limit the spread of violent extremism in the region.

Ardo I.M., Lenshie N.E., Amuchie A.A., Ezeibe C., Udeogu C., Nneka O.

Lenshie N.E., Ezeibe C.C., Joshua M.M., Nwangwu C.

Abstract In most African states informal motorcycle transportation is a popular means of urban and semi-urban mobility. While studies have examined the transportation–economic development nexus, the political economy of the ban of motorcycles and shift from informal commercial motorcycle to tricycle operation for urban/peri-urban mobility in Nigeria has been grossly neglected in academic discourses. Using a qualitative approach and neoliberal political economy framework, this study investigates how the ban of commercial motorcycles and their replacement with commercial tricycles have impacted urban/peri-urban mobility in Nigerian cities. Contrary to the expectation that replacing motorcycles with tricycles would increase the vulnerability of the majority of informal transport operators and constrain transportation of urban/peri-urban poor without personal/private means of mobility, the replacement has facilitated the development of road infrastructure, reduced road crashes, minimized motorcycle induced crimes, and improved the income of informal transport operators in Nigerian cities. The study concludes that sustainable use of commercial tricycles for urban and peri-urban transportation is relevant for achieving organized and safe informal commercial transportation in Nigeria and other less-developed countries.

Lenshie N.E., Mohammed I., Kondu P.J.

Raimi L., Bamiro N.B.

Purpose This study aims to address the overlooked roles of market sophistication and political stability in the entrepreneurship–unemployment relationship, focusing on Nigeria’s emerging economy. It explains why entrepreneurship has not reduced unemployment, critiques existing policies and enriches the Schumpeter and refugee effects debate, offering valuable economic development and policy improvement insights. Design/methodology/approach This study used a quantitative research method. Macroeconomic data on Nigeria from 2006 to 2023 were extracted from the World Bank’s World Development Indicators, World Economy, World Intellectual Property Office and the Global Innovation Index. Theory-driven ordinary least squares (OLS) regression was used to test the formulated hypotheses and predict the direct and moderating relationships between the variables. Findings The four OLS estimates support the Schumpeter effect (a positive relationship between new business creation and unemployment) but do not confirm the refugee effect, as there is no significant relationship between unemployment and business creation. This study also suggests that the effect of market sophistication on the relationship between new business creation and unemployment is limited compared to political instability, which significantly affects the relationship between unemployment and entrepreneurship. Research limitations/implications This single-country study does not claim to have fully resolved all the debates surrounding the Schumpeter effect versus the refugee effect in emerging markets. Therefore, the generalizability of its findings is limited to Nigeria. Practical implications This study advanced the understanding of how political stability and market sophistication moderate the entrepreneurship–unemployment nexus. This study enriches the Schumpeter and refugee effects literature by demonstrating their varying influence in Nigeria’s context. The findings guide policymakers and entrepreneurs to prioritize political stability, enhance human capital and address market readiness to foster sustainable entrepreneurship. These insights inform strategies to reduce unemployment by aligning entrepreneurship policies with socio-political dynamics and tailoring interventions to emerging economies’ unique challenges. Originality Value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this study is the first to provide empirically and theoretically sound insights into the effect of market sophistication and political stability on the bidirectional relationship between entrepreneurship and unemployment in emerging markets. It unveils why entrepreneurship may fail to reduce unemployment through new business creation (Schumpeter effect) and vice versa (refugee effect).

Odewusi O., Olalere M.D., Owolabi S.A.

The banking sector is recognized as one of the cornerstones of the contemporary economy when it comes to the security of investor funds and deposits. To guarantee the security of money, the Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation and other regulatory bodies have put in place a variety of adjustments and regulations. Numerous environmental factors have been linked to a decline in bank performance over time, according to published research. Finding out how peace accounting affected the financial performance of Nigerian listed deposit money banks was the study's main goal. The study adopted the Ex Post Facto Research Design. The Population was 14 listed deposit money banks. The sample size was 10 selected using a purposive sampling technique for a period of 10 years (2013-2022). Data was analyzed using inferential statistics. The result shows that Peace Accounting measured with Corruption, Security, and Foreign Aid had a significant effect on Return on Asset (Adj R 2 = 41.8, F-stat (5, 96) = 89.01, p < 0.005). Peace Accounting had a significant effect on Net Profit Margin (Adj R 2 = 40.7, F-stat (5, 96) = 142.80, p < 0.005). The study concluded that Peace Accounting had a significant effect on the Financial Performance of Deposit Money Banks listed in Nigeria. The study recommended that there is the need for the government to avoid policies and activities of the government of a country that can lead to conflicts that might disrupt economic activities thereby affecting performance, so that more funds can be committed towards tackling insecurity thereby improving the Return on Assets of Deposit Money Banks.

Anderson E.A., Paalo S.A., Dramani A.

Donatti C.I., Moraga-Lewy N., Nyongesa J., Mwanzia M., Edmond J., Fedele G.

African grasslands provide benefits for human communities but are negatively impacted by climate change. Climate impacts, combined with human population growth, can increase competition and conflict among humans and wildlife. Grassland restoration, a type of Nature-based Solution for climate adaptation, can improve farmers’ livelihoods by increasing the availability of water and pasture for livestock during drought events. Grassland restoration can also potentially help farmers adapt to climate change by providing human security benefits through a reduction in conflicts, which can also reduce consequent retaliatory measures on wildlife. However, those connections have not been widely explored. This paper assesses whether grassland restoration can reduce human-wildlife and social conflicts in Kenya. We collected information on conflicts using household surveys implemented over 16 months in a total of 1,567 households in Chyulu Hills when grassland restoration was also implemented. Results showed that 88.9% of the households interviewed experienced human-wildlife conflicts and 32% experienced social conflicts. There was a negative and significant correlation between the area restored in each site and both the number of human-wildlife conflicts and the number of social conflicts, showing that conflicts decrease as restoration increases. We also used time as a proxy for restoration, as areas restored and restoration activities increased through time. We did not find a decrease in human-wildlife conflicts over time, but we did find an overall decrease in social conflicts over time, as well as a reduction in the feeling of insecurity. However, not all households behave in the same way. Households led by women experienced a higher number of social conflicts compared to households led by men. Likewise, a higher number of households led by women had a perception of insecurity compared to households led by men. The results of this study provides recommendations for future projects, stakeholders, policy and decisions makers: a) to continue tracking conflicts in Chyulu Hills to understand the connections between grassland restoration and conflicts in the long-term, b) to identify and scale-up measures to mitigate human-wildlife conflicts considering the multiple conflict-causing species, including humans, and c) to consider the needs, perceptions and interests of women in designing strategies to mitigate conflicts.

Suleiman M.R., Omojuwa K.

Okunlola O.A., Otekunrin O.A., Adewumi I.P., Oguntola T.O., Yaya O.S.

Interpersonal violence poses a formidable obstacle to harmonious coexistence, socioeconomic development, and public health globally, given its deleterious consequences and attendant mortality. In a multicultural society like Nigeria, violence is an unfortunate inevitability. This study undertakes a spatial analysis and Poisson time trend analysis of violence-related mortality cases in Nigeria, aiming to elucidate the dynamics, assess the public health burden, estimate relative risk, identify hotspots, and inform policy interventions to mitigate violence in severely affected areas. A total of 195,170 cases were recorded between 2006 and 2023, with Borno (46,425), Lagos (12,086), and Kaduna (10,548) accounting for 24%, 6%, and 5% of cases, respectively. In contrast, Ekiti state had the lowest number of cases (752). Notably, death rates in 2014 and 2015 accounted for 12% and 9% of all deaths rates that were attributed to violence during the period considered. The violent death rate showed clear regional differences, with over half of all death rates occurring in the North Central and North East regions. North West and South South regions contributed 12% and 14%, respectively while South East and South West regions contributed 8% and 10% of the remaining share, respectively. These figures show statistically significant socioeconomic and public health differences between the country's northern and southern regions (P < 0.000). Analysis of relative risk showed that while Plateau, Cross River, and Anambra had constant incidence rates, 27 states had elevated relative risk and seven states had a minimal drop in violence-related death. According to the study's findings, violence can have a significant impact on the health of mothers and children, making the nation's already fragile public health situation much worse. These findings underscore the complexity of Nigeria's violence landscape, highlighting the need for targeted, region-specific interventions to address the escalating violence and its public health repercussions. Policymakers and governments at all levels must prioritize evidence-based strategies to mitigate violence and promote peaceful coexistence in Nigeria.

Famous Nwankwo C.

Chalouhi J., Currow D.C., Dumit N.Y., Sawleshwarkar S., Glass N., Stanfield S., Digiacomo M., Davidson P.M.

The plight of displaced people is an escalating global challenge. No longer solely the domain of individuals working in humanitarian settings, the plight of refugees is now a very visible aspect in mainstream health and social services. Refugee women and girls face serious and interconnected health challenges due to forced displacement, limited access to healthcare, gender-based violence, exploitation, and other factors affecting their health and well-being, particularly social determinants of health. These experiences are often built upon intergenerational forms of abuse such as enduring colonial and patriarchal models where there are fundamental power imbalances and impediments to economic and political stability and as a consequence health and well-being. One in five displaced women and girls experiences sexual violence, which has lasting effects on their physical and mental health. Moreover, financial instability and uncertainty in migration status can further push women and girls into exploitative circumstances, such as modern slavery and survival sex. This paper presents a scoping review using a gender-based lens aimed at analyzing the social determinants impacting the health and well-being of refugee women and girls. The environmental, socio-economic, cultural, and gender-specific drivers of security are described. Advocating for strategies to promote health equity, protection, resilience, and empowerment for refugee women and girls is important for their health and well-being. Achieving this is critical in contributing towards building stronger, healthier, and resilient communities, and creating a buffer to the escalating numbers of people being driven from their homes worldwide.

Jan M.F., Altaf M.T., Liaqat W., Liu C., Mohamed H.I., Li M.

Water insufficiency is a major abiotic stressor that significantly reduces crop yields, posing a serious threat to global food security. Soybean, a key legume and one the the top five global crops, serves as a primary source of protein, minerals, and oil. Water deficit has profound impacts on soybean's growth, physiology, and ultimately its yield. Improving soybean productivity under drought stress is crucial to addressing food security challenges. Advanced breeding tools that leverage soybean physiological responses to water scarcity are essential for identifying and transferring drought-tolerance genes. Further research into the physiological, biochemical, and molecular responses of soybean to drought stress will enable breeders to enhance drought resilience effectively. This review comprehensively details the morphological and physiological responses of soybean to drought stress and outlines various agronomical, molecular, and cutting-edge technological approaches to enhance drought tolerance. By synthesizing current research, this work identifies key strategies and tools that breeders can use to develop drought-resilient soybean cultivars, contributing to improved productivity under water-limited conditions.

Pochet P., Lesteven G.

Nwankwo C.F.

Climate change impacts various social systems and has been linked to conflicts, especially resource conflicts in dry and semi-dry lands of West Africa. Climate change exacerbates conflicts by influencing the migration of pastoralists towards southern West Africa. Thus, resolving farmer–herder conflicts can be placed in the context of addressing climate change impacts. The political imbroglio in negotiating the climate change regime has impacted communities exposed to climate change. The difficulty of reaching a global binding regime that addresses climate change ethically because of power struggles among states defines climate change geopolitics. Climate change geopolitics thus remains a challenge to addressing farmer–herder conflicts and sustainable development goals 15 and 16 concerning sustainable use of land and promoting peace, respectively. This article argues that the geopolitical ecology framework can help analyse the link between climate change geopolitics and farmer–herder conflicts that address the limitation of the eco-violence thesis. Building on the emerging literature on conservation geopolitics dubbed ‘geopolitical ecology’, it demonstrates how integrating the critical geopolitics perspective that has received little attention in the farmer–herder conflicts literature with the blossoming ‘access to resource’ framework of political ecology helps to achieve this.

Ejiofor P.F.

AbstractWhy do some pastoralists join bandit groups in Nigeria? This conundrum is yet to be explored in the emerging scholarly literature on pastoral banditry in Nigeria's troubled northwest region. Whereas the upsurge in pastoralist‐related banditry has been predominantly explicated with the theoretical frameworks of ungoverned spaces and relative deprivation, the role of structural violence in some pastoralists' decision to become bandits has not received sufficient scholarly attention. Drawing on the analytical framework of structural violence first advanced by the Norwegian sociologist Johan Galtung, I contend that some pastoralists take to the composite crime of banditry as a consequence of the inegalitarian distribution of resources and power. Pastoralists resorting to banditry in the northwest region can therefore be considered as a rebellious response, albeit misguided, to the structural violence of everyday life―precisely, poverty and repression―in the Nigerian state that precludes them from meeting their basic human needs. To reverse the mayhem and to heal the broken communities in the banditry‐affected northern states in Nigeria, I argue that federal and state governments should not solely rely on a killing approach fixated on military warfare―or the surveillance of forests and remote areas―but must address the structural factors that nurture alienation amongst some pastoralists.

Baloye D.O., Olawole M.O.

The paper attempted to make spatial sense of the activities of the insurgent groups of Boko Haram and ISWA, especially in the northern region of Nigeria. The study leveraged the ACLED database of insurgent-related events in Nigeria between 2009 and 2020. A total of 1865 events and 21,621 fatalities relating to the region under study were analyzed. Using geospatial techniques, the study examined the two groups’ spatial and temporal distributions, attack patterns, and fatality rates. The study identified the northeast State of Borno as the epicenter of the insurgent groups. Temporal analysis showed fluctuating trends of insurgent attacks with occasional declines linked to military successes. The incursion of ISWA as a significant group in year 2020 added a new complexity to the insurgency landscape of Nigeria. Also, directional spread analysis highlights the evolving nature of the attacks, emphasizing the need for a nuanced understanding. The paper provides a spatial understanding of the characterization of insurgency in Nigeria, thereby underscoring the necessity for adaptive and responsive strategies to effectively counter insurgency in the affected region.

Liyew E.B.

Sudan has been in intense conflict between the Rapid Support Force and the Sudanese Armed Force since 15 April 2023. International and regional actors’ involvement in the ongoing Sudan conflict makes the state one of the most fragile countries in the Horn of Africa. This study examines the ongoing Sudan conflict and its implications for the Horn of Africa’s security. The study uses a qualitative research approach, collecting data from secondary sources. This study argues that Sudan’s crisis would not only shake its neighbours but could also upset Horn of Africa Security and several other African countries, including fragile states in the Sahel, and East and North Africa. As a result, the Sudan conflict will result in political unrest in the neighbouring countries. Sudan’s conflict-triggered chaos would expose surrounding states to suffering from the influx of refugees. Thus, the parties involved in the dispute need to collaborate to address the root causes and bring about long-lasting peace in Sudan. African Union through IGAD shall take the initiative for a peace deal between conflicting parties in Sudan. Both international and regional actors shall assist the peace deal under the framework of an ‘African solution to an African Problem’.

Ugwu E.U., Akase T.M.

Okoli A.C., Aina F., Onuoha F.C.

Ojewale O.

Ugwuoke C.O., Ajah B.O., Akor L., Ameh S.O., Lanshima C.A., Ngwu E.C., Eze U.A., Nwokedi M.

This paper examined the vulnerability of travelers to kidnapping, abduction and armed robbery attacks and in some extreme cases, death along Nigeria's highways. Insecurity on the nation's highways became a contemporary criminological discourse following the emergence of new strands of criminality like militancy, terrorism, kidnapping, herdsmen-farmers violence, communal conflicts and banditry. Nigerian highways have become the major operational hotspots for criminals who harass, terrorize, and traumatize travelers at will. With the ever-rising insecurity on Nigerian highways, the military and paramilitary offensives deployed by the Federal Government have not yielded the desired results culminating in the description of government's inertia as a form of state slumber. Data for this study were sourced from a content analysis of reported violent highway crimes by credible mainstream Nigerian newspapers, spanning a period of one year, from July 2020 to July 2021. Adopting the Social Disorganization Theory, the study indicated that the worrisome nature of insecurity on Nigeria's highways resulting in the high rate of abduction and murder of people of diverse military, professional, socioeconomic and political backgrounds has engendered a sense of helplessness, trauma and vulnerability among Nigerian road travelers. The paper recommends the de-centralization of Nigeria Police Force structure to create State Police that will encourage and electrify effective and better people oriented patrolling and management of insecurities on the Nigerian highways.

Idris A., Lenshie N.E., Miapyen B.S.

Okoli A.C., Lenshie N.E., Suleiman M.A.

Ogbonna C.N., Lenshie N.E., Nwangwu C.

Nigerian politicians accuse foreigners of contributing to the many security challenges in the country. As a result, the government of Nigeria securitised foreigners’ immigration to justify its policy of land border closure in 2019, which it claimed was aimed at mitigating the security problems bedevilling Nigeria. This study analyses how Nigeria’s national security is impacted by the securitisation of border governance and migration. Relying on the securitisation theory and qualitative methods based on focus group discussions, key informant interviews, and desk reviews of existing literature, it found that the securitisation of migration to establish strict border governance represents the interests of the political elite who have failed to address security challenges in Nigeria. The study concludes that government should de-securitise foreigners’ immigration by addressing underlying domestic and external factors driving insecurity in Nigeria.

Ikotun O.

Border relations between the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have received commendations from professionals, diplomats, and scholars alike. However, transborder insecurity in the region has undermined the positive appraisals. The recent spate of insecurity in Nigeria, caused by transborder bandits and the role that other ECOWAS countries, like the Niger Republic, play—as hiding places—has made mobility difficult for border commuters. Women have particularly become sitting ducks to the brazen attacks from purveyors of insecurity, and as such, they have been subjected to different forms of dehumanisation. This has led to the abandonment of transborder trade which is a vital source of livelihood for many women. In West Africa, insecurity is impeding the development of cross-border trade; it stymies progress in the African Continental Free Trade period and breaches the Free Movement Protocol. There are several scholarly articles, policies, and working papers on ECOWAS and gender; however, gendered mobility’s safety and security in the area have not been given priority and proper investigation. As a result, the focus of this paper is on the influence of insecurity on gendered mobility along the Nigeria-Niger Republic border.

Mmahi O.P., James F.T.

Brigandage in Nigeria has been examined from various dimensions. However, little has been done about the effects that crime has on food security. The objective of this study was to examine the impact of brigandage on food security, with a focus on the Nahuche community in Zamfara State. The study was premised on the theory of routine activities. An exploratory research design was adopted for the study. Data were elicited from farmers, and traders using semi-structured interviews, and thereafter subjected to thematic analysis. A purposive sampling technique was adopted in the selection of respondents for the study. Findings show that brigandage was intense in the study area. Farmers were attacked and kidnapped from their farms for ransom, resulting in the abandonment of farmlands. It was also found that farmers were forced to pay harvest fees to the brigands before they were allowed to harvest their crops. Consequently, a significant drop in farmers’ output and the associated shortage of food were experienced in the community. The study concludes that brigandage caused food insecurity in Nahuche community that hitherto enjoyed food security. Regrettably, the security personnel seems to be overwhelmed as the crime continues to worsen. By implication, the community stands to experience food insecurity as long as brigandage persists. Among others, the study recommends that brigands be made to perceive the risk of apprehension as high through the intensification of law enforcement. Farmers and traders should avoid predictable daily routines that expose them to victimization.

Ojewale O.

Ojo J.S., Oyewole S., Aina F.

Nwangwu C.

The resurgence of Biafra separatism in Nigeria is largely a reaction to a perceived ethno-national superordinacy as well as the compromised state-building capacity of the Nigerian ruling groups. The tendency to attribute the upswing in ethnic nationalism, separatist agitations and the ascendancy of sectarian cleavages in Nigeria to the widening of the democratic space since 1999 is flawed. Whilst every part of Nigeria is bedevilled with one security challenge or another, the most visible existential threats to lives and livelihoods in Nigeria’s South-East are coordinated attacks on state facilities by unknown gunmen and the brutal military response of the Nigerian state to the neo-Biafra separatist uprisings. Although the reinvention of Biafra separatism has received substantial scholarly attention, available studies have neglected how the persistence of state repression has lubricated the wheels of the neo-Biafra separatist movement in Nigeria. This study argues that the repressive disposition of the Nigerian state towards Biafra separatism is at the base of the current mutation of the Indigenous People of Biafra’s strategy from the non-violent option to the armed movement. This article relies mainly on the analysis of secondary data on Biafra separatism and state repression in Nigeria. Drawing from the basic assumptions of the theory of state repression, this study concludes that the wanton deployment of the kinetic approach involving harassment, proscription, arrests, extraordinary rendition, torture and mass killing of pro-Biafra agitators tends to stimulate insecurity in the South-East.

Clarno A., Vally S.

Aniche E.T., Iwuoha V.C., Isike C.

The Covid-19 pandemic border closure policy and other anti-migrant policies in 2020 have become another basis for flaunting the ECOWAS free movement protocols by member states now referred to as pandemic nationalism. Although not limited to (West) Africa, pandemic nationalism reinforces the inability of ECOWAS to demonstrate supranationalism and ensure harmonization of Covid-19 trans -border policies among its members. Consequently, member states were unilaterally imposing conflicting or uncoordinated Coronavirus border closure policy without recourse to the protocols. Thus, the pandemic border closure policy has only exacerbated pre-existing trajectories which have serious implications for visa-free, border-free, and borderless West Africa as well as cross-border migration. These challenges are often attributed to colonial borders. This article has been able to adequately demonstrate that the Covid-19 pandemic has deepened nationalism which has, in turn, increased violation of ECOWAS free movement protocols through uncoordinated and reprisal border closure in which nationalism has trumped regionalism. The study is essentially qualitative, descriptive, analytical, and empirical.

Lenshie N.E., Nwangwu C., Ezeibe C., Ifem L.M., Okafor G.O.

While previous studies have interrogated the motivations of Boko Haram and the role of security agencies in counterinsurgency, explanations of the escalation of Boko Haram attacks on Nigerian security agencies have received limited academic attention. This study re-examines the dynamics of counterinsurgency operations in Nigeria within the context of the fragile state thesis. It argues that fragility of relevant state institutions has compromised the military-led counterinsurgency operations by flipping out strategic intelligence to the terrorists, embezzlement of arms procurement funds, sabotage and deplorable welfare condition of combatants, among others. Thus, the relevant state institutions should be strengthened to proactively respond to the maladies bedeviling the military-led counterinsurgency operations in the North-East region.

Osasona T.

Abstract In terms of its disruptive impact and intensity of violence, banditry is the gravest security threat that Nigeria currently faces, and it is driving her worst national humanitarian crisis in decades. There are contests about the origin, nature and the drivers of banditry and how well bandits by their modus operandi fit into the various definitional frameworks of an organized criminal group. The article examines what is known about bandits and banditry in light of existing definitional and conceptual paradigms of organized crime and criminal groups, and interrogates the applicability of international humanitarian law to this security crisis that characterizes the current face of conflict in the West African Sahel.