Vedernikov, Mikhail Vladimirovich

Vedernikov M.

The article examines the specifics of science diplomacy, a relatively new area of Czech foreign policy, with an emphasis on its application to sub-Saharan African countries. It is emphasized that EU member states have begun to use science and education more actively to advance their own interests amidst the desire to give the supranational union a geopolitical character. It is revealed that the African continent, being an arena for clashing interests of key global players, has also found itself in the optics of Prague, which, without significant resources, sought to use the previously accumulated potential to advance the EU course. It is noted that Czech-African relations have a long history and were characterized by high intensity during the times of socialist Czechoslovakia. The institutional structure of Czech science diplomacy at the present stage is analyzed, and the main actors involved in this activity are identified. Its main instruments on the Black Continent have been studied – concluding official agreements with local partners, involving national businesses in promoting Czech science, advertising Czech higher education, and conducting scientific diplomacy through official development assistance. It has been concluded that, given significant material and personnel constraints, the Czechs are relying on targeted, financially unburdensome projects that have long-term potential.

Vedernikov M.V.

Vedernikov M.V.

Vedernikov M.

The article deals with the Czechia's bilateral relations with the countries of Central Asia (CA) at the post-socialist era. Before the special military operation in Ukraine in 2022, the states of the region had not attracted much attention from Prague because of the focus on the Euro-Atlantic states, the small size of the internal market of CA, and prejudices about the non-democratic nature of the local political regimes.Despite the attempts by several Czech politicians to boost relations with Central Asian states, positive dynamics of co-operation was observed only with Kazakhstan, which is an important provider of energy resources. The author notes that the escalation of the Ukrainian crisis in 2022 led to a surge in Czech interest in CA, because of the general policy of the European Union, which declared the importance of promoting the interests of the association in this foreign policy track, Prague's desire to strengthen its own voice in the international stage, and the desire to support local producers, who have acutely felt the consequences of restrictions on exports of their products to Russia. It has been revealed that in 2022–2023, the Czechia's political dialogue with the Central Asian countries visibly strengthened, trade and economic relations increased. In these two years, trade turnover between the CA countries (except Turkmenistan) and the Czechia demonstrated a multiple growth both in absolute and relative terms. However, such an unnatural spurt was justified mainly by using Central Asian states as re-export points for goods intended for shipment to Russia.The author claims that this situation confronts the pragmatic and value-based position of the Czech authorities: on the one hand, they promoted Czech business, by maintaining a high level of relations with Central Asian states, but on the other hand, they also deliberately violated the anti-Russian sanctions, by supplying goods to Central Asia. 

Vedernikov M.

The article examines the features of Czech-American cooperation after the start of the Special military operation in Ukraine. It is noted that, despite the high status of bilateral relations since the Velvet Revolution of 1989, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict contributed to the intensification of cooperation. It was revealed that the United States has focused on strengthening cooperation in the areas of energy security and military-technical cooperation. The rapprochement of positions, as the author of the work notes, occurred on the basis of the ideological heritage of the first President of the Czech Republic, Vaclav Havel. It was noted that a change of government will not lead to a change in foreign policy orientation due to the volume of existing obligations assumed by the Czech side in the period 2022-2023.

Vedernikov M.

The article outlines the main trends in Czech-Ukrainian relations since the start of the special military operation in Ukraine. The main events of the bilateral agenda between Prague and Kiev were considered. The author notes that after February 24, the current Cabinet under the leadership of P. Fiala began to perceive the Ukrainian issue as a key one in the country’s foreign policy. This was manifested in the increased intensity of contacts and a qualitative change in the content of the talks. An assumption is made about bringing relations to a strategic level. Moreover, it was noted that the Czech Republic sought to promote its vision of the Ukrainian issue among partners in international organizations through innovative proposals and playing ahead of the curve.

Vedernikov M.

The article examines the political processes in Slovakia in 2022. It is noted that the past year has demonstrated the fragility and weakness of the ruling coalition, which, following a lengthy debate, was forced to resign. The author notes that the central reason for the collapse of the Cabinet was the personal hostility of the country’s leading politicians – I. Matovič and R. Sulik. However, they demonstrated a keen desire to delay the collapse of the coalition, aggravating the internal political situation in the country as much as possible, since they realized the impossibility of participating in the formation of the next government following the results of early elections. The paper notes significant electoral changes in Slovakia since 2020: there has been a total decline in the popularity of the parties that formed the Cabinet, and an increase in the authority of the forces in opposition and promising the return of stable times. Meanwhile, early elections scheduled for September 30, 2023 do not yet guarantee the opposition a victory. The Slovak political tradition and the experience of neighboring Central European countries point to the possibility of liberal politicians uniting in various political alliances to prevent their ideological opponents from gaining power.

Vedernikov M.

The article examines the experience of the Czech Republic in overcoming the migration crisis in 2022, which was caused by a special military operation in Ukraine. Despite the traditional ignorance of the problems of refugees from the Middle East and Africa, authorities, supported by the local population and non-profit organizations, were ready to provide large-scale assistance to Ukrainian refugees. The paper studies the main steps taken by P. Fiala’s Cabinet to support internally displaced persons. It is shown that measures were promptly taken to simplify the entry of Ukrainians into the labor market of the Czechia, access for children to educational institutions was opened, and temporary housing was provided. Amendments to the Czech legislation in the relevant areas of law and the weakening of the flow of refugees, already in the summer of 2022, allowed the Czechia to relatively easily go through the ordeal of the migration crisis, without using the country's full potential. At the same time, the study shows that the initial enthusiasm of the Czechs disappeared, and discussions began to arise about the formation of a Ukrainian minority in the Czechia and endowing it with political subjectivity. In turn, public opinion polls clearly showed that ordinary citizens were against the long stay of Ukrainians in the country

Vedernikov M.

The article considers the elections to local governments and the Senate, which were held in the Czech Republic in late September – early October 2022. Results, despite insignificant influence on the formation of national policy, demonstrate the trends of Czech electoral behavior and indicate the processes of the country’s party-political development on background of the global crisis. Firstly, it is necessary to indicate it’s a little influence on the position of political forces within the country; the traditional liberal electorate has not been convinced of its adherence to value ideals due to the worsening socio-economic situation in the country. Secondly, the political forces that form the current government have become convinced of the need to preserve the coalition in order to defeat the opposition forces (ANO, SPD). The duels in the second round of the senatorial elections demonstrated a great potential for mobilizing voters who sympathize with cabinet parties. At the same time, the ANO electorate turned out to be inert and incapable of activating its potential in an emergency situation («elections as a referendum of government confidence»). Thirdly, political analysts record the transformation of the ANO movement, which began to get rid of the reputation of the «party of one person» in the direction of a party consisting of many charismatic politicians. The author of the work states that a combination of these factors shows that the brainchild of A. Babiš will face great difficulties in nominating his candidate for the presidency of the country, whose elections will be held in January 2023.

Vedernikov M.

The article discusses the features of the Czech presidency of the EU Council, which took place in the second half of 2022. The author draws attention that program documents was due to both external factors (special military operation in Ukraine) and internal (coming to the power of the liberal-democratic government of P. Fiala). The new Cabinet, following the rhetoric of a return to the Havel course, focused on promoting a value policy. This approach has led the Czechs to prioritize helping Ukraine and combating energy dependence on Russian natural resources. In turn, the extremely urgent goals of post-pandemic recovery were not properly articulated. The author analyzes the results of the previous Czech presidency and concludes that the topics raised 13 years ago have penetrated the European agenda by 2022, becoming current trends in the development of the EU. The continuity of the two presidencies is also indicated. The paper notes that the current chairmanship can hardly be considered as a tool for promoting the long-term national interests of the Czech Republic due to the possible deterioration of the country’s socio-economic situation.

Vedernikov M.

The article considers the position of the Czech Republic in relation to Russia after the start of a special military operation on the territory of Ukraine and its influence on the domestic and foreign policy of the country. It is noted that Prague faced this event more prepared due to the Czech-Russian diplomatic crisis that occurred in 2021, which reduced diplomatic contacts between the countries to a minimum and weakened economic interaction. In 2022, de-Russification continued, but already under the general approval of Brussels and a significant number of the local population. Moreover, we can say that the government of P. Fiala tried to make itself known at the international level through active participation in activities to support Ukraine, often becoming a «trendsetter» in this matter. A special place in the rhetoric of Prague was occupied by the theme of abandoning Russian hydrocarbons. However, as indicated in the paper, the country was not ready to take this step in the spring of 2022, since there were no alternative sources of energy supplies. It is emphasized that the desire to designate the Czech Republic in European affairs as a major player contrasted with the failed domestic policy, where the Cabinet of Ministers could not cope with the challenge of the economic crisis and was late with the introduction of an anti-crisis package of measures to support the population.

Vedernikov M.

The article analyzes the circumstances that preceded signing of the Defence cooperation agreement between Slovakia and the United States, and caused a serious domestic political crisis in early 2022. The key points of the document are identified, which led to the emergence of opinion that this Agreement will lead to a violation of the state sovereignty of the country and the deployment of American troops on its territory for an unlimited period of time. The author notes the activation of political forces against the background of the discussion of the Agreement, which tried to capitalize on the potential of the protest moods of the masses, who traditionally do not feel sympathy for the overseas partner. One of the initiatives of opposition politicians who spearheaded this process was the idea of holding a referendum. However, the work demonstrates that the nowadays opponents of the authorities in the recent past were supporters of the development of SlovakAmerican cooperation. The author does not disregard the Russian factor, which was invisibly present during the discussion of this Agreement.

Vedernikov M.

The article examines the main events in Slovak-American relations in 2022. However, in order to understand the significance of this year in the bilateral contacts of NATO allies, in the first half of the work, the conceptual foreign policy documents of Slovakia are closely analyzed, which indicate the preservation of Russia's important place in foreign policy until recently for this Central European state. In this regard, the events of February 2022 had a significant impact on the final reformatting of Slovak diplomacy, the exclusion of Russia from the list of attractive partners.

Tsybakova O.V., Filyas A.M.

Relevance. The problem of the crisis in the relations of the Russian Federation with the states of Central Europe remains one of the factors of destabilization of modern international relations. The Visegrad Four Community of states demonstrates by its example the inconsistency and inconsistency in shaping the strategy of relations with modern Russia. Designing a model of communication between the Russian side and the Visegrad Group countries requires a full-fledged understanding. The current change in the positions of the Governments of Hungary and Slovakia regarding the possibility of restoring cooperation with Russia leads to an expansion of the field of scientific research on this topic. The purpose of the study is to analyze the evolution of the position of the Visegrad Group states regarding maintaining relations with the Russian Federation.Research objectives: analysis of the evolution of the position of the Visegrad Group states regarding the maintenance of relations with the Russian Federation.Methodology. The work uses comparative, structural and functional methods, as well as the method of content analysis.The results of the study. The content of the current crisis in the relations of the Visegrad Four member states in Russia is the general context of the development of the political process on the European continent. The main transformations of multilateral relations are dictated by the clash of interests of political elites and contradictions between the dominant social ideologies in the post-socialist states of Central Europe.Conclusions. As a result of the study, the conclusion is formulated that the factor of relations with the Russian Federation in a situation of a full-scale international crisis acquires the importance of the dominant condition for preserving the internal unity of the Visegrad Group as a specific subject of regional policy. The divergence of positions towards Russia's perception among the member states complicates the possibility of restoring the influence and importance of the association as an actor of integration processes in Central Europe. The desire to turn the Visegrad Four into a component of the anti-Russian strategy of the Atlantic powers results in the erosion of this regional association and its delegitimization as a full participant in international relations.

Chetverikova A.S.

The article presents an analysis of the development of the Czech labour market, taking into account demographic trends. The main long-term trends of decreasing unemployment, structural changes and maintaining their attraction for foreign actors are outlined. The negative consequences of the last two years have been assessed. A lack of certain specialists and high-qualified workers remains among the key problems of the Czech labour market which the government regulatory measures are aimed at. Changes in the financing of employment policy and transition to more effective support measures are shown. Special attention is paid to solving the ageing problem and to involving of older people on the labour market. The implemented methods of maintaining employment among this category of citizens are analysed. Operating instruments of attracting highly qualified and qualified workers in the Czech Republic, the base of which are the key programs, are considered. A selectivity of such measures, its flexibility and changing due to political reasons are shown. The role of labour migrants on the Czech labour market is shown using the example of Ukrainians. The Ukrainian labour force traditionally was engaged in lowskilled labour, mainly in construction and industry. The consequences of the influx of refugees because of the Ukrainian crisis, their current situation and consequences for the Czech labour market are analysed. Due to gender and age differences between refugees and typical labour mi grants from Ukraine there is no significant increase in the influence of Ukrainians on the Czech market. Problems of poverty, integration and employment corresponding to qualification remain. The key perspective of changes of the Czech labour market, including problems of shortage of certain categories of specialists, are designated.

Ostapenko O., Shulhan I.

The protection of state sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine is one of the constitutional duties of citizens. Under the legal regime of martial law, administrative and legal means of conducting a balanced State policy on mobilization, and creating an appropriate human resources potential for the protection of the State sovereignty and territorial value of Ukraine are of particular importance. The authors of the article state that verification of a citizen's identity documents is one of the means of clarifying and establishing the identity of a citizen by authorized officials of state authorities, local self-government and military administration, in particular, by the Territorial Centers for Recruitment and Social Support. Regulatory legal acts of Ukraine regulate the relations arising in the course of verification of citizens' identity and provide for supervision/control over compliance with the law by officials authorized to carry out the verification. The authors of the study aimed to identify the causes and conditions that lead to conflicts during the verification of documents under the legal regime of martial law by military officials of the Territorial Recruitment and Social Support Centers. The authors emphasize that the legal means of resolving conflicts arising during the verification should be enshrined in the substantive and procedural rules of administrative law. The author emphasizes that a compromise is a possibility of reaching a full agreement during the verification of an individual's documents. The author proposes a list of cases where a compromise may be reached between the parties to the document verification. It is noted that the use of physical force, special means or weapons is an extreme measure which is allowed in exceptional cases and in accordance with the procedure clearly defined by law.

Shishelina L.N.

Abstract An attempt is made to analyze the origins of the attitude of Central European countries to the current military conflict in Ukraine, as well as their historical fears and concerns that broke out against the background of Moscow’s proposals to return the European security system to the contours of 1997, which preceded the armed invasion on February 24, 2022. It was historical memory that largely formed the knowingly predictable position of these countries in the conflict and their unconditional support of the Ukrainian side. According to the author, the conflict overall contributed to the pro-Atlantic consolidation of the Central European region, deepened the gap in relations with Russia, and produced new nuances in relations within the Visegrád region. Nevertheless, the understanding of the importance of regional solidarity, strengthened over 30 years of democratic development, keeps the Visegrád Group countries together, preventing them from falling victim one by one to any of the modern geopolitical poles. In defining the events, particularly the essence of the military conflict in Ukraine, the author adheres to the terminology used in the political space of the region under analysis, which allows her to remain objective in describing what is happening.

Potemkina O.Y.

Vedernikov M.V.

Marchukov A.N.

In academic discourse, public diplomacy is often regarded as an instrument of foreign policy most suitable for small states, which enables them to compensate for the lack of military and economic capabilities. Paradoxically enough, studies on public diplomacy usually focus on the activities of the leading actors of world politics. However, it is exactly the case of small states that, according to the author, allows better understanding of the role of public diplomacy in the contemporary foreign policy agenda. The author examines the evolution of the Slovak public diplomacy, and distinguishes two stages in it. The firststage (from 1993 to 2004) was characterized by the establishment and consolidation of the Slovak system of public diplomacy, aimed primarily at promoting the main goal of the government — the country’s integration into the European Union. By means of advocacy and cultural diplomacy, in particular through the system of Slovak Institutes, Slovakia tried to convince politicians, journalists, members of the academic and business communities, and non-governmental organization activists in Europe that the country was ready to join the EU. During the second stage (from 2005 to the present day) a national branding, aimed at promoting a positive image of the country has come to play (along with cultural diplomacy) one of the key roles within the Slovak public diplomacy. It was at this time that the government initiated the National Scholarship Program of the Slovak Republic and launched an information campaign with the slogan ‘Slovakia is a Good Idea’, which had made a significant contribution to the dissemination of accurate information about the country and strengthened relations with the neighboring states and trade partners. The author concludes that in nearly three decades Slovakia has managed to establish a modern competitive system of public diplomacy, which possesses the following characteristics: a high level of coordination between the key actors, a wide range of working methods, and an effective dialogue with the people of the country on the main foreign policy objectives (domestic public diplomacy).

Timofeev P., Khorolskaya M.

The study is focused on the COVID 19 pandemic as a challenge for Franco-German leadership in the European Union. The authors investigate whether joint actions by Berlin and Paris can strengthen the EU’s resilience to crises. As it is shown, the first isolationist reaction of the EU states to pandemic was followed by their attempts to find a common decision. The negotiations on an anti-crisis plan were complicated by the division of the European Union states into opposing camps. Two projects proposed by them – the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) and the “coronabonds” – reflected the narrow interests of rich, frugal “Northern” and economically modest “Southern” groups, and failed. In contrast, the Franco-German cooperation became a breakthrough. In March-April 2020, Germany and France opposed each other, supporting ESM and coronabonds, respectfully. In May-June 2020, A. Merkel and E. Macron agreed to a compromise and came up with a unified position. While Germany left “frugal” group by agreeing to allocate money to support the “South” without insisting on mandatory reforms, and endorsed the idea of joint debt obligations, France refused to support the “Southern” coronabond project and agreed to the mediation of the EU Commission. That gave new breath to negotiations where a new regrouping of countries took place: the “South” states failing to defend coronabonds supported the Franco-German plan based on subsidies, while the “frugals” put forward an alternative based on loans. The EU Commission’s project which included both proposals was discussed in July 2020: at that moment, the Franco-German tandem backed by the “South” states had to persuade both the “frugal” and the East- European states. Finally, the EU Commission’s plan promoted by Merkel and Macron was adopted, though with serious adjustments. The authors conclude that the Franco-German alliance has confirmed its capability to strengthen the European Union resilience, but its leadership is no longer unconditional, and in the future, they should take into account the interests of the EU regional groups. Acknowledgments. The article was prepared within the project “Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).

Dynkin A., Telegina E.

Vedernikov M.

Pehe V.

Marušiak J.

SHISHELINA L.N.

Marková K.

This paper focuses on the image of the political system of the first Czechoslovak Republic in the political discourse connected with the preparation of the Czech Constitution in 1992. It works mainly with records of parliamentary debates between July and December 1992 and considers three types of actors: members of committees working on the constitution, constitutional lawyers and political figures with a significant informal influence, such as Václav Havel. The author asks three interrelated research questions: How was the first Czechoslovak Republic portrayed in the debates on the Czech Constitution? In what context of the discussions and argumentations did the First republic reappear? And what role did the image of the Czechoslovak Republic play in the debates? As I argue, the system of the first Czechoslovak Republic was presented almost always positively, framed by concepts of tradition, democracy, sovereignty, and stability. Conversely, the Senate was portrayed more negatively, as a symbol of inefficiency, futility and expensiveness. The political system of the First Republic and the Constitution of 1920 represented an issue that could not be ignored and had to emerge through discourse. Some speakers did not always portray it properly and rarely spoke about the problematic aspects of the functioning of the political system of the First Republic. However, it was always alluded to as a symbol whose meaning was often more important than its actual content, as it could confirm the legitimacy of power relationships and express identification with a given political line. The fact that the actors chose only certain images of the First Republic, mostly the positive ones, illustrates that they sought to use the power of the symbol of the First Republic.

Verovšek P.J.

Politicians frequently make use of mythologized understandings of the past to mobilize memory as an instrument of politics in the present. Despite the postwar “memory boom”, collective remembrance remains a slippery concept. In politics, collective memory exerts its influence both from the bottom up, as interpretations of the past affect the identities and understandings of political elites, as well as from the top down, as statements by public figures place certain events into the national consciousness while silencing or forgetting others. In addition to summarizing the existing literature, this integrative review proposes a discursive conception of the politics of memory. I argue that research into political memory should focus on (1) the substantive content of collective memory as expressed by actors within state institutions and (2) on the interactive channels through which ideas about the past are conveyed, disputed, silenced, and negotiated outside these formal settings. I substantiate this argumen...

Miháliková S.

The paper concentrates on three aspects that played a role in shaping the capital of Slovakia: the importance of a name given to the territory illustrating how renaming came to play a crucial role in creating a capital of Slovakia, an successful example of how to nationalise a place and a past; the second part of the paper describes the barriers in acceptance of Bratislava as the capital city of Slovakia among its citizens; the final part deals with ideological incentives in demolition and construction the town and its monuments. The main argument says that the route of Bratislava to the position of the capital of Slovakia was atypical, the majority of its population did not want this status, the actors of the national revolution—the Slovaks did not regard it as their centre, and it did not even have a definitely fixed Slovak name. Nevertheless, Bratislava succeeded gradually made its own history of ‘all Slovakia’. The democratic revolution of 1989–1993 confirmed the functioning of Bratislava as the centr...

Holy L.

When Ladislav Holy precipitately left Czechoslovakia for the UK in 1968 he was already one of the leading anthropologists in Central Europe. In the following decades he made important field studies in Africa. Since 1986 he has been engaged in research in the Czech Republic, and he brings to this timely study of national identity the skills of a seasoned researcher, a cosmopolitan perspective, and the insights of an insider. Drawing on historical and literary sources as well as ethnography, he analyses Czech discourses on national identity. He argues that there were specifically 'Czech' aspects to the communist regime and to the 'velvet revolution', and paying particular attention to symbolic representations of what it means to be Czech, he explores how notions of Czech identity were involved in the debates surrounding the fall of communism, and the emergence of a new social system.