African Journal of Pharmacy and Pharmacology

Khakhalkina E.

The article raises the question of the place of Tropical Africa in the system of British foreign policy priorities before and after Brexit. It is shown that the African continent traditionally played an important role in the colonial empire of the United Kingdom, and its importance only intensified under the conditions of decolonization and the Cold War, which was demonstrated by the first visit in the colonial history of the country of the British leader of H. Macmillan to Africa south of the Sahara in February 1960 (“Year of Africa”) and drawing attention to the future of the continent in connection with the acquisition of sovereign status by the colonies. However, after this tour, the weakening of Britain’s ties with the continent in the trade, economic, political and other spheres gradually began to occur, and only after the Brexit referendum on June 23, 2016, the UK announced a reset of relations within the loud slogan and foreign policy line “Global Britain”. In August 2018, Prime Minister T. May made a large-scale visit to the key countries of Tropical Africa, similar to H. Macmillan’s trip in terms of numbers, status and intentions, on the eve of the completion of a series of negotiations with the European Union and the country’s withdrawal from it. In addition to analyzing two of the British leaders’ trips, the article raises important contemporary questions about the incompleteness of decolonization, the future of development policy, and the overall prospects for the UK’s relationship with sub-Saharan Africa. Attention is also paid to the economic aspects of interaction between the parties and the updated priorities of Britain in the context of the pandemic and the challenges of European and global security under the influence of a new configuration of the system of international relations.

Eremina N.

Scotland’s international activities are interesting in many respects. Firstly, the region has a long history of political struggle for independence, having formulated the concept of “Scotland is a country” by now. Secondly, starting with the preparations for the 2019 general election campaign, the Scottish National Party (SNP), as the political leader of the region, has launched a program of “internationalization of Scotland”, stating not only international ambitions, but also the use of international relations to strengthen the position of Scotland as independent nation in the international arena. Thirdly, Scotland seeks to demonstrate itself as a responsible player, offering its innovations in the field of strengthening partnership and peace, and proving that the whole world will benefit from an independent Scotland (it is no coincidence that SNP party documents often mention that “the Scots are conscientious citizens of the world”). Fourthly, the independence of Scotland is offered by the SNP as a tool for realizing the rights of citizens to participate personally in the international agenda. Thus, we note both the growing international ambitions of Scotland and their international recognition. In general, the Scottish model of paradiplomacy is the use of all possible international platforms and the creation of new ones to form a positive image of the region. The goal of the article: to analyze the strategy of international activity of Scotland and correlate it with the practical activity of the region. The study was carried out on the basis of a political-historical approach, which means an analysis of regional processes in any area in the context of national and macro-regional development (in this case, we understand the European Union as a macro-region). The research method within the framework of the chosen approach was the case study method. Accordingly, the article compared various indicators of regional involvement in international processes after Brexit in the longer period of Scotland’s entry into the international arena after 1998, i. e. implementation of the Scottish Act. This allows us to talk about the dynamics of the region’s international activity and its prospects.

Shkrobtak I.

This study is devoted to the study of the main directions of the development of British defense and security policy. The article analyzes the main directions of the strategy of this sphere of activity of the United Kingdom, examines the situation of the British military-industrial complex and the main challenges facing the national defense and security of London. The paper explores the main directions of defense and security policy, the vision of challenges by the British political and military leadership. The turn of the United Kingdom’s priorities in defense and security from “hybrid threats” to the possibility of confrontation with the regular forces of major military powers and its causes are revealed. One of the most important observations in the article is the role of the withdrawal of Allied troops from Afghanistan and its consequences in the British defense strategy. The importance of the Ukrainian conflict since February 24, 2022 and the involvement of British military and political resources in it is emphasized. The paper also examines the possible consequences of this conflict for British defense and security. The main conclusion of the work is the thesis about the collapse of the concept of “Global Britain” due to the lack of adequate resources to control a number of regions (first of all, we are talking about the Middle East, the Black Sea basin and Central Asia) and the decline in the level of competence of the top political leadership of the United Kingdom. The crisis in the British military-industrial complex and its dependence on foreign technologies and products is stated. In addition, the study predicts a possible fundamental reformatting of British foreign policy due to the challenges facing the defense and security of London.

Ananieva E.

The 2016 referendum did not bring a decisive advantage to either supporters (Bremainers) or opponents (Brexiters) of Britain’s membership in the European Union, which led to their acute confrontation and a prolonged political crisis in the United Kingdom. The aim of the study is to determine the impact and consequences of the struggle of rival forces in the leading parties of Britain — Conservative and Labour — on their course on the main issues of British foreign policy after the parliamentary elections of 2019 and Britain’s exit from the EU. The struggle of the rival forces goes through the lines of inter- and intra-party division, and its methods go beyond the traditions and unwritten rules previously adopted in the political culture of the United Kingdom. The tough struggle on foreign policy issues is closely linked to domestic politics. The victory of the Conservative Party in the 2019 elections ensured the adoption by Parliament of laws strengthening the executive power to the detriment of the legislative and judicial (who sided with the Bremainers). The documents of the government, parliament, parties and media materials analysis is presented of the methods used by Brexiters and Bremainers to weaken each other, complicating relations with the US and the EU, sacrificing bilateral relations with Russia to their narrow-party interests. The confrontation continues, plunging Britain into a new round of political and economic crisis, which calls into question the ambitious goals of “Global Britain”.

Junbo J., Le Y.

After Brexit, Britain has vowed to build a “Global Britain”. Guided by this strategy, the Great Britain’s policy towards People’s Republic of China is undergoing a more dramatic adjustment, which has brought the relations between China and the United Kingdom from a “golden era” to a more turbulent and unpredictable period of today. Overall, Britain’s current policy toward China is based on a range of policy tools, such as investment screening, Indo-Pacific Policy, as well as bilateral mechanisms, to catch the Chinese market for economic gain, while politically following the United States and provoking China on ideological and sovereignty matters in order to maintain its alliance with the West. Given in general the increase of negative perceptions of British public opinion of China, as well as the dramatic changes in the international situation (including the occurrence of major geopolitical events such as the Russian-Ukrainian military conflict), adjustments in the UK’s policy toward China will continue for some time, which will impact the stability of Sino-British relations. In the future, based on pragmatism, Britain’s China policy will maintain a flexible balance between maintaining selective cooperation with China in economy and global governance and deepening confrontation with China in the political sphere.

Novikova I.

One of the important trends in the development of international relations in the second half of the 20th — early 21st centuries is the growing importance of small states in international relations. From passive “pawns” in the big political games of the great powers, they are turning into active players capable of pursuing their own national interests in the international arena. During the Cold War period, European neutral states acquired an unique experience of fruitful cooperation in international organizations, peaceful mediation and peacemaking. Multilateral diplomacy, renunciation of the use of force, striving for a peaceful political resolution of conflicts predetermine, to a certain extent, interest in studying the experience of small countries. The decline in the ability of the leading great powers to resolve conflicts effectively on the periphery of the international system, on the other hand, the capability of small countries to generate new ideas and norms in international relations create preconditions for a further increase in the role of small countries in international relations. It is necessary to study not only the great powers, but also the small countries that make up the vast majority of states, if we want to understand the nature of international relations in general, the formation and behavior of modern coalitions and alliances in particular. This article aims to identify the main stages of the study of small states in international relations, to analyze the main approaches to the definition of the concept of “small state”, to consider the factors of formation of the foreign policy of small states through the prism of some theories of international relations, to find out the features of the foreign policy behavior of small countries in international relations.

Hang Y.

The China-Russia relations are facing a changing external environment, including the Indo- Pacific. This article focuses on the EU Indo-Pacific Strategy, which is a new and little-researched theme. It aims to address a central question: what the implications of the EU Indo-Pacific Strategy on the China-Russia relations are. It focuses on the discourse of the EU’s supranational authorities. The qualitative content analysis of that discourse unveils that the nature of this strategy is to enhance the legitimacy and uniqueness of the EU as a global player. It argues that this strategy has important implications for both China and Russia in direct or indirect ways. One main assumption is that the EU’s impact will be more concentrated in low politics than high politics. This article develops two hypotheses. One is that the EU Indo-Pacific Strategy will enhance the West as external pressure to China and Russia in the region, especially on low political issues. The other is that increasing external pressure from the EU and the West in this region highlights the necessity of cooperation between China and Russia. It concludes that while the implications for China and Russia are different respectively, the EU’s ambition as an exogenous factor will compel China and Russia to uplift their bilateral ties.

Bezerra V., Bueno E.

In the 1980s, Robert W. Cox (considered the “father of Critical Theory” in IR) envisioned that a counter-hegemonic movement could arise in the future from the multilateral alliance of less privileged States, which could resist the dominance of the central powers of the system. Almost three decades later, the 2008 Financial Crisis, the decline of the US hegemony (propelled by its unilateralist actions) and the rise of emerging economies all over the world resulted in a scenario of transformation and redistribution of power in international relations. In that context, a reformist movement driven by developing countries (some of them located geographically distant from one another), especially by the BRICS nations, voiced new demands for democratization of global governance at the international level, contesting the US and Western hegemony in world affairs and the underrepresentation of less-privileged States in important multilateral organizations. From the analysis of the conceptual framing of Critical Theory to the context behind the inception of BRICS and its positions in international relations, this article aims to explore the elements that could possibly connect the group to the interpretations undertaken by Critical Theorists, showing that the group does hold certain positions that can allow such an association.

Zonzini L.

Starting from Declaration no. 3 on Article 8 of the Treaty on European Union, addressed to small-sized European States, this essay intends to investigate, from a historical point of view, the “special situation” of the external relations of the Republic of San Marino. For geographical reasons, these events are combined with San Marino’s particular situation of being an enclave in the Italian territory, from which specific and ever-changing relations with Italy derive. Geography has always marked the Republic’s external relations. In the light of the historical period of reference and the interlocutors with whom the Republic came into contact, this essay seeks to demonstrate the conditions imposed by geography, but also the opportunities that enabled it to “go beyond” such geography, contrary to what imposed by its physical characteristics. Drawing mainly from San Marino historiographic sources, and thanks to the results of archive research carried out, the historical reconstruction aims at reconstructing the main bilateral events between San Marino and Italy during the long period before Italian Unification. Subsequently, the most significant events and specificities of the equally long period of the Italian State’s building are highlighted, including the events of the Italian Risorgimento and the most important facts of the early years of the Italian Republic. Finally, when dealing with the start of the European integration process, some specific initiatives taken by the Republic of San Marino to investigate particular aspects of Declaration no. 3 are addressed.

Bogoliubova N.

The present study is devoted to the analysis of the Russian-Austrian cultural relations in the beginning of the 21st century. In the article an attempt to identify and assess current trends and forms of cultural dialogue between Russia and Austria, the factors which influence bilateral cooperation, as well as to assess the prospects of cultural relations has been made on the basis of extensive source materials and research literature. Modern cultural relations between the two countries reflect the general trends and peculiarities of modern bilateral interaction, are characterized by diversity and depth. Bilateral cultural exchange involves not only capitals, major cities, but also the regions. Cultural cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Austria today is based on a solid legal framework, which is replenished with new documents on both the current programs of cultural exchange and strategic issues. A relevant trend of the modern cultural cooperation is institutionalization. This feature is reflected in the modern dialogue between Russia and Austria. Cultural centers, public and state organizations are successful actors of bilateral cooperation, they bring together a wide audience of participants and contribute to the development of cultural contacts on an ongoing basis. Particular attention in the article is paid to a new format of bilateral cultural cooperation between Russia and Austria — the cross-years of cultures, which have become traditional large-scale events of bilateral exchange. This format contributes to the regionalization of interaction and has an impact on economic, political dialogue and investment policy. The conclusions of the study allow identifying the potential of bilateral cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Austria and forecasting the possible prospects of the cultural dialogue. The chronological framework of this article is the beginning of the 21st to 2020.

Lanko D.

The article revisits the negotiations on NORDEK, a Nordic Economic Area, held by Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden in 1968–1970. Finland, which initially took active part in the negotiations, later reversed its position under pressure from the Soviet Union as well as for other reasons. Four remaining Nordic countries refused to pursue a Nordic Economic Area without Finland for multiple reasons, of which one was solidarity with Finland. This article presents multiple game models, of which some reflect the actual outcome of the NORDEK negotiations, i. e., their failure, while others reflect hypothetical outcomes of the negotiations, such as emergence of a NORDEK of four without Finland. Those models allow concluding on the main factors causing Nordic solidarity, for which the NORDEK negotiations were a testing ground, and which had been the defining feature of regional politics in the European North during fifty years following the failure of the negotiations. First, domestic uncertainty about the issue debated by multiple nations contributes to greater solidarity among those nations. Second, majority’s focus on their absolute gains during international negotiations contributes to greater solidarity among negotiating nations. Third, relative equality among negotiating nations does not have any influence on solidarity among them. The latter conclusion supports the theoretical assumption that that organic solidarity (solidarity among different) is as possible as is mechanical solidarity (solidarity of similar).

Koloskov E.

The article is devoted to the foreign policy aspect of the EU-integration of the Republic of North Macedonia. The main attention of the article is paid not only to the interaction of official Skopje and Brussels, but also to the problems of the regional dimension of integration processes. Three main regional challenges for Macedonia are considered: the Macedonian name dispute, the Political views on the Macedonian language and the Albanian issue. The last one is not only about the rights and claims of the Albanian community of the country, but also It is the issue which seriously affecting Macedonia bilateral relations with neighboring Albania, the so-called “Republic of Kosovo”, Serbia and Montenegro. In the course of the study, the main contradictions of the parties were analyzed, the stages of the integration process of Macedonia in relation to NATO and the EU were highlighted, and a forecast was made regarding the prospects of the Skopje state to leave the top ten applicants and become a full member of the EU. Based on the results of the study, we came to the conclusion that in the future it is equally likely that both the successful resolution of existing conflicts in the case of a new focus of Brussels on the problems of the Western Balkans, and the freezing of existing contradictions and, even, under certain circumstances, the resumption of seemingly subsided memory wars, as this happened with the Political views on the Macedonian language in Macedonian- Bulgarian relations.

Suchkov M.

Contemporary international relations as well as the life of an individual as we know it would not be possible without the three Industrial revolutions. They have occurred in the course of the last three hundred years of human history and came to be part of a single continuous process of changing technological waves. Each revolution defined how people would live, work, and communicate with one another. Each industrial revolution set the dynamics for international relations and created new political conflicts. The fourth industrial revolution that we are going through today is also accompanied by geopolitical rivalry and develops exponentially, not in a linear projection. It pierces through all layers of human activity and runs the risk of changing the very nature of humans. The character of modern-day technology makes it hard to perceive it through the lens of a mere consumer since technology impacts us as citizens and deals with the three key concepts for people throughout their history: justice, freedom, and power. The author hypothesizes that the three concepts are closely interlinked with the three main megatrends of technology’s influence over politics respectively, — the call for a new social contract, the problem of localization of big data and the associated pursuit of states for digital sovereignty, and the development of artificial intelligence. Therefore, the present work is an attempt to outline some key trajectories in how the new technological wave fractures the three concepts and how all of this impacts international relations.

Alieva L., Ambartsumyan K.

The authors of the article address the problem of practical implementation of “soft power” in modern Russian foreign policy. The aim of the research was to understand the role of academic mobility in the development of a positive image of Russia in the world. In this regard, the authors emphasize the inexpediency of understanding science and education as a means of propaganda and ideological response to foreign opponents. Academic mobility is one of the effective channels that allows not only to share the results of research and educational activities, but also, through interpersonal communication in professional communities, to destroy the existing negative stereotypes about Russia. The article provides experience of DAAD as one of the best practices in organizing academic exchanges, and emphasizes the possibility of adapting this experience for Russia. Opposing the statement of J. Nay, German experience has shown the effectiveness of active participation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in supporting international cooperation in education and research. Taking into account the diversity of regions in the Russian Federation, the authors came to the conclusion that it is necessary to enhance cross-border cooperation with neighboring regions following the policy of “soft power”. As an example, the authors present the experience of North Caucasus Federal University in cooperation with scientific and educational institutions of the South Caucasus. The border position of the North Caucasus region, common historical past of the peoples and common Caucasian identity make NCFU an effective tool for strengthening Russia’s influence in the region, which traditionally becomes an arena of international rivalry. The article also presents the experience of implementing joint projects with European partners, analyzes current trends in the development of European Higher Education Area, and shows the role of academic mobility in the formation of a sustainable, cohesive and peaceful Europe. In this regard, the authors conclude that universities make a significant contribution to the formation of a positive image of Russia as a country with ethnic, cultural, historical, religious and geographical diversity.

Tsvetkova N., Sytnik A., Grishanina T.

The paper introduces concepts relative to digital international relations, including the following clusters as data/digital diplomacy; cyber security and cyber diplomacy; global internet governance; and, finally, digital voting. All these elements have come under the pressure of datalization that is the growth of digital actors and of big data analytics used often for political purposes. This paper focuses on one of the elements of digital international relations, notably the digital diplomacy. The authors discuss new challenges including digital uncertainty, fractured digital reality, and framing. Based on the analysis of data retrieved from social media by computational algorithms, the authors test these new challenges in case studies related to the digital diplomacy conducted by the United States, Russia and China in such countries as Afghanistan, Syria and Iran in various timelines. The authors reveal that multiple digital bloggers, mass-media, various entities, etc., can diminish the effectiveness of governmental digital diplomacy. At the same time, the datalization, digital uncertainty, and fragmentation allow the official diplomacy of the states to promote values through specific policy of framing discussed in the paper. Based on the empirical data, it can be concluded that the current stage of digitalization of international relations compels the states to introduce new binding agreements to draw “cyber red lines” or, equally, to maintain internet freedom that will contribute to shaping a balance of power in cyberspace.