Australian Journal of Grape and Wine Research

Naumenko A.S., Saltanov S.D.

Due to the aggravation of the global geopolitical confrontation, the relations in the sphere of security issues within the framework of the Russia - China - North Korea triangle get particular importance. The purpose of the study is to analyze the current state and prospects of the strategic defense partnership between Russia, China, and North Korea. The authors used the following methods: a system approach, a method of situational analysis, a comparative method, a method of analyzing the current situation, as well as a method of scenario forecasting. The authors analyzed the relations between Russia and China in the military sphere, Russian-North Korean relations in the security sphere, as well as the role of China and North Korea in ensuring stability in the region. It is concluded that in the current conditions of rising tensions in the AsiaPacific region, primarily on the island of Taiwan and the Korean peninsula, these countries will converge, first, against the triangle USA - Japan - South Korea, often called “Asian NATO”. To conclude, the relations between Russia, China and North Korea will not take the form of a fullfledged military alliance. It is expected that the efforts of military-technical cooperation and the possibility of mutual support in the event of a security threat to one of the countries will be deepened.

Morozova E.V.

The formation of the country’s image is one of the components of the national identity policy construction. The purpose of this study is to identify the substantive characteristics of the policy of the three Caspian states - Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Azerbaijan - within the formation of both the image of their countries and the macro-region. The concept of the ‘discursive power’ is applied; the empirical methods used are an online survey, focus group and expert interviews. The author characterizes the main groups of factors influencing the construction of the image in the countries under consideration, identifies the types of image policies, main strategies, and technologies. We focused on the problems and prospects of forming the image of the Caspian macro-region. According to the surveys of citizens conducted in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan, the structural characteristics of the macro-region image are as follows: the ecosystem of the Caspian Sea and the common Soviet past. The main challenges to promoting the image of the macro-region are the lacuna of agencies in terms of institutions, general strategies and technologies, the uneven inclusion of the countries of the macro-region in the global and regional information space, the nature of center-regional relations in the countries of the region, the existing competition of macroregional projects. In the modern world order, the Caspian macro-region can be considered as a potential ‘center of power’, possessing enormous material and spiritual resources for development. The construction of its image, its promotion as one of the humanitarian components of the developing cooperation of the Caspian Five countries in the conditions of deglobalization and the creation of mega-regional projects that establish new standards and norms of interaction.

Romanova A.P., Chernichkin D.A.

The article focuses on how Turkey and Pan-Turkish ideology influenced the development of new national identities in Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan and the results of this influence. The theoretical basis of this study lies in the concept of transnational political spaces (ethno-worlds), which form new identities due to the spread of cultural patterns. The practical basis of this study entails a synthesis of several sociological methods: content analysis of data published from January 2, 2022, to July 31, 2023, collected according to specified criteria; surveys in the form of an electronic questionnaire; and a set of focused group and expert interviews attended by citizens of Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. The results showed that “soft power” in both countries influences the field of those policies that are crucial for the development of new identities: education, language, memory, symbology, etc. The mechanisms for promoting identity politics in Turkic countries are the main strength of the formation process in this ethno-world. The results of the study demonstrate educational programs to be the most effective tool, whose status allows the returned youth to become a part of a new elite in their countries, as well as emissaries of Pan-Turkist ideas. Based on the content analysis data, it can be noted that though TurkishKazakh and Turkish-Turkmen relations are actively and positively developing, primarily in the economic sphere, they still have certain contradictions. Though Pan-Turkish ideas and Turkish cultural patterns are presented in the information agendas of the analyzed countries, they are not their trends.

Abdrakhimov L.G., Liksok A.O.

The relevance of the topic of the study lies in the fact that the problems of hybrid warfare, hybrid operations, hybrid influence have become especially important in the context of the complicated geopolitical situation in the world after February 2022. In the author’s opinion, Russia’s forced conduct of the Special military operation is one of the tools of the US hybrid influence on China. In the study several methods were applied: the content analysis of conceptualdoctrinal and normative documents, analyzed the views of Chinese scientists, political and military figures on hybrid warfare and operations, as well as publications of authoritative media on this issue. As a result, it is concluded that in the Chinese understanding hybrid wars and operations are becoming the main form of confrontation between states and blocs of states. At the same time, the hybrid impact is exerted on the national security assurance system, which should effectively counter “traditional and non-traditional” threats and challenges, that are hybrid. Chinese experts note that there is a risk of underestimating the responsibility for a possible global conflict, which may be caused by inadequate projection of hybrid threats onto a country or group of countries. The author also concludes that we may be witnessing one of the last stages of the unfolding U.S. hybrid war against China.

Avatkov V.A., Sbitneva A.I.

Historically, the Republic of Turkey is one of the few states in the Middle East, in a civilizational sense, located between East and West. As time has passed since a number of unsuccessful attempts to integrate into Western institutions and with the beginning of geopolitical changes in the international arena, Turkey has made a “pivot to the East”. Considering the increasing role of the Non-West within the framework of the formation of a polycentric system of international relations, the study of Turkey as one of the key centers of forces of our time, as well as the identification of its characteristics, eastern and western features, is of particular relevance. The purpose of the study is to examine the civilizational characteristics of modern Turkey. By applying civilizational approach, Turkey’s position of a “middle state” was revealed, which has both Western and Eastern features, but is increasingly gravitating towards the non-Western world. At the same time, amid the ideology of “neo-Ottomanism” implemented by the current leadership and the increasing role of the ideological and value factor, Western features are gradually fading away, remaining only in the form of official secularism and stable ties with Western institutions. While the Turkish orientality, along with unofficial islamization, have a clearer image. Turkey develops in progressive-regressive cycles, where the Western cycle is replaced by the Eastern and vice versa. However, the West is systematically ceasing to be a symbol of progress. The authors conclude that the non-Western path of development is the most promising for modern Turkey, however, with the condition that eastern development will not be moderated by Islamist circles and supporters of political Islam.

Pochta Y.M.

Using the example of the problem of contemporary terrorism, the article raises the question of the need to overcome the dependence of Russian science on the hegemony of the West. In the world in general and in Russia in particular, the period of admiration for the Western concept of liberal democracy and the concepts of globalization, human rights, soft power, civil society, democratic transition, terrorism, hybrid wars, etc., developed by liberal thought, is coming to an end. These theories are increasingly less accepted in as normative, universal, whose implementation necessarily requires Western supervision. These theories, developed during a unique historical process in Western countries, cannot be adequately applied to determine the direction of development of non-Western countries. In this study, we consider the problem of contemporary Islamist terrorism as a concrete example of the need for a critical revision of Western ideas. To do this, we turn to the ideas of a number of Russian authors, as well as Western representatives of postmodernism, neo-Marxism and left-radical thought, who sharply criticize the basic dogmas of Western liberal political science. This allows us to conclude that Islamist terrorism is not the result of the activities of individual radicals or a manifestation of the aggressive nature of Islam, but is reproduced by the conflict system of modern international relations. Thus, Islamist terrorism as a radical form of politicization of Islam is most often a reaction of the Muslim world to Western globalism, to the crisis of a number of Muslim societies as a result of Western intervention. The system-functional approach makes it possible to understand the place and role of Islamist terrorism in contemporary hybrid wars, which the West uses to maintain its global empire. Islamist terrorism can be viewed as an element of a system of hybrid wars. In this system, along with Islamist terrorism, there is an important phenomenon of combating it - anti-terrorism, and also, along with Islamist terrorism as the activity of non-governmental armed groups, there is state terrorism, mainly carried out by Western states.

Koktysh K.E., Renard-Koktysh A.V.

The study is devoted to the cognitive analysis of the current state of the Eurasian Economic Commission, which is the main institution of integration of the economies of the Western Eurasia. Deconstruction of the European principle of the “four freedoms” that was laid down in the basis of the EAEU allows authors to conclude that further implementation of the latter will lead to the reproduction of the EU’s weaknesses that have become obvious today. Moreover, it will lead to internal conflicts, primarily between corporations, which will be mainly Russian, and the member states. The predictable result will be a decrease in the functionality of the Eurasian Union, which has already taken noticeable forms. It produces the obvious risks of turning of this important negotiating platform into an artifact that does not meet the challenges that arose with the beginning of Russia’s Special military operation. The authors see a way out in «balancing» the principle of «four freedoms», which de facto leads to redistribution of resources in favor of corporations, with the principle of security. The extrapolation of latter to the economic sphere can allow not only to strengthen the regulatory role of states, but also to move to the creation of a production circuit within the Eurasian Economic Union based on the common system of division of labor. In their theoretical constructions, the authors appeal to the successful experience of China, which managed to introduce a system of moral and ethical restrictions for business, and thereby managed to make profitable a «long» investment focused not on the consumption of an individual, but on the prosperity of society as a whole.

Dolokhova A.D., Soboleva E.D.

The withdrawal of US troops and the rapid takeover of Kabul by the Taliban (recognized as a terrorist organization and banned in the Russian Federation) in Afghanistan in 2021 shocked the world community. Even though the PRC actively opposes international terrorism, which the Taliban movement (recognized as a terrorist organization and banned in the Russian Federation) is accused of supporting, it has become one of the few countries that have begun to cooperate with the new Afghan regime. In the light of these events, China’s view of the situation in Afghanistan is puzzling, in particular, we are interested in how these events are reported in Chinese press. In this paper, first, we trace the evolution of the PRC’s official position on Afghanistan, and then, using frame analysis, analyze the coverage of the events of 2021 in the PRC by focusing on three authoritative newspapers, Chinese language versions of “People’s Daily”, “Global Times”, and “The Paper”. Our study demonstrates that the Chinese press supports China’s foreign policy in general and its policy in Afghanistan in particular. Stability in Afghanistan and cooperation with the Taliban (recognized as a terrorist organization and banned in the Russian Federation) on issues of Uighur separatism are important for China’s national security. In the Chinese media, the Taliban (recognized as a terrorist organization and banned in the Russian Federation) are not presented as accomplices of terrorism, which China is fighting within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization but are described as representatives of the Afghan people who aim to restore the security and stability in the country. When discussing the Taliban (recognized as a terrorist organization and banned in the Russian Federation) takeover in the Chinese media, the focus is often not on the crimes of the new regime - repression, abuse of power, restriction of rights, but on shortcoming of the US policy. The latter reflects an important discursive practice in the Chinese media, “othering” the United States.

Zhiltsov S.S.

Traditionally, Central Asia is associated with a favorable geographical location and significant natural resources. These factors are of interests for the West, Russia, and China in the region. Meanwhile, the potential of Central Asian countries leaves many questions unanswered, as they face many regional challenges. The aim of the study is to identify the geopolitical and economic potential of the Central Asian countries, as well as to identify the challenges that the states have faced in recent years. A special attention is paid to the water and energy issue, which remains the most pressing problem for the whole region. In the conclusion, the author identified two of them: the persistence of economic difficulties in the development of Central Asian countries, which to a certain extent act as economic competitors, as well as the increased influence of extra- regional actors on the countries of the region.

Mamedov A.V.

Kazakhstan’s foreign policy has been characterized by continuity for a long time. The country has been balancing between Russia, the West and China. In the context of the transformation of world politics and economy, as well as aggravation of relations between the West and Russia, the adjusting foreign policy priorities and its specific content are getting especially important for Kazakhstan. The realization of a special military operation by Russia has greatly impacted Kazakhstan’s foreign policy. Kazakhstan is under strong political pressure from the West. It requires Kazakhstan to change its foreign policy course and join anti-Russian policy. The study is aimed to identify new trends in Kazakhstan’s foreign policy, both in the relations with Russia and the West as well as countries of Central Asia. For this purpose, the statements of the first persons of the state, reflecting the priorities, were analyzed. A special attention was also paid to Kazakhstan’s policy towards Russia, which remains a key partner. In the conclusion, the author identified the key priorities: an intensification of relations with the West, a search for new approaches to cooperation with Central Asian countries and preservation of balancing between Russia and the West.

Pochta Y.M., Guzaerov R.I.

The study examines the issue of creating a common Turkic alphabet through the prism of Turkey’s interests in its attempts to form a new identity for the Turkic states. It is noted that the collapse of the Soviet Union and the formation of five new Turkic states were positively received in Turkey and gave impetus to the activation of pan-Turkic ideas. Thus, one of the aspects of Ankara’s humanitarian interaction with the newly formed countries was cooperation within the framework of linguistic reforms, where Turkey actively advocated for the Latinization of the alphabet of the Turkic states. The authors analyze the phenomenon of language in constructing the identity of states. Turkey, which has experience in radical linguistic reforms, recognizes the potential of such transformations in the Turkic space. Ankara seeks to lead this process in order to promote its own logics and narratives, which should ultimately lead to the adoption of the Turkish language as a single language for the Turks. It is noted that with the reformatting of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), there has been a tendency to return to the agenda of discussions of a single alphabet for the Turkic peoples. Ankara promotes this topic at expert seminars, CTG meetings, etc. It is concluded that Turkey’s strategy is aimed at the long term and the lack of quick results in this area does not indicate its failure. Ankara systematically takes up the entire spectrum of interaction with Turkic partners, creating the foundation for future integration.

Liu J.

Due to the increasing influence of the People’s Republic of China in world politics against the background of the transformation of the global world order, the concept of the “Community of the Common Destiny for Mankind”, which defines the main vector of modern Chinese foreign policy and diplomacy, is gaining recognition and attracting increasing attention from the global community. Aimed at maintaining good neighborliness between countries and promoting global development, this concept reflects the aspirations of not only modern Chinese politicians, but also the ideas of traditional Chinese philosophical thought, as well as cosmopolitanism and Marxism, developing and updating them. Thus, in this study, the author traces and analyzes the theoretical foundations for promoting the concept of a “Community of the Common Destiny for Mankind”: reveals elements of Chinese traditional culture, the theme of the “human community” in Western philosophy, the conceptual syncretism of foreign policy thought of the previous generations of Chinese leaders and the “theory of relations” - the cornerstone of the Chinese school of international relations.

Kudryashova I.V.

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Huang D., Wang Y.

Against the background of the Ukrainian crisis, and especially the current RussianUkrainian conflict, Russia’s large-scale promotion of the turn to the East strategy has both internal and external motivations. The return of Eurasian ideas to Russia’s foreign policy forms the ideological basis of Russia’s turn to the East strategy, but in practice, this turn is the intensification of Russia’s development of the Far East and Siberia due to the rapid economic growth of the countries of the Asian-Pacific region. In addition, the fierce confrontation between Russia and the West due to the escalation of the Ukrainian crisis is also an important factor in Russia’s promotion of the strategy of turn to the East to improve its passive position in international politics and increase compensation for losses incurred because of sanctions imposed by Western countries.

Kozintsev A.S.

The study aims to investigate the sources of the Egyptian regime’s legitimacy after the removal of Mohammed Morsi from office in 2013. The ruling elite, in particular President alSisi, has recently shown a growing inclination towards adopting Islam in the political discourse. As a result, there is a need to examine the factors that have contributed to this trend. The central hypothesis of the research is that the government, lacking institutional legitimacy, is compelled to reinforce the Islamic values in political communication to overcome internal political divisions and establish a sense of social connection between the authorities and citizens. To test this hypothesis, the study employs a qualitative content analysis of speeches made by President alSisi to the nation between 2014 and 2023. The analysis identifies four techniques for legitimation (mobilization, national identity consolidation, construction of a common past, and construction of a common future) and examines the functional role of Islam in each of them. The findings of the study suggest that Islamic norms and values are most actively appealed to in segments of texts devoted to national identity consolidation and constructing a common future. Both approaches involve a similar strategy of invoking Islam by associating and transferring attributes within pairs of words (religious context - secular context): nation - the Ummah; state - Islamic world; citizen - a Muslim. By using this rhetorical strategy, the government is shaping a narrative that places the contemporary Egyptian state within a religious and historical framework, as depicted in the Qur’an. This approach is aimed at establishing a set of values that can unite the nation and foster loyalty among citizens towards the government’s vision for Egypt’s future. However, there are almost no semantic sections dedicated to mobilizing citizens in the texts. This can be attributed to a pragmatic effort to steer clear of politicizing the electorate.